⚡ Racism Exposed In An Indian Fathers Plea

Wednesday, September 15, 2021 8:53:18 AM

Racism Exposed In An Indian Fathers Plea



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Was Gandhi a Racist in South Africa? - Lecture by Pieter Friedrich

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Mark Warner, D-Va. Legal expert: Roe v. Slideshow: Worst hurricanes in US history. McKay , Mormonism and the Negro, Part 2, p. There were no neutrals in the war in heaven. All took sides either with Christ or with Satan. Every man had his agency there, and men receive rewards here based upon their actions there, just as they will receive rewards hereafter for deeds done in the body. The Negro, evidently, is receiving the reward he merits. Joseph Fielding Smith , Doctrines of Salvation, pp. Not only was Cain called upon to suffer, but because of his wickedness he became the father of an inferior race.

A curse placed upon him and that curse has been continued through his lineage and must do so while time endures. Millions of souls have come into this world cursed with a black skin and have been denied the privilege of Priesthood and the fullness of the blessings of the Gospel. These are the descendants of Cain. Moreover, they have been made to feel their inferiority and have been separated from the rest of mankind from the beginning When the Lamanites [Native Americans] fully repent and sincerely receive the gospel, the Lord has promised to remove the dark skin.

After the people again forgot the Lord and dissensions arose, some of them took upon themselves the name Lamanites and the dark skin returned. When the Lamanites fully repent and sincerely receive the gospel, the Lord has promised to remove the dark skin. The Lord declared by revelation that, 'before the great day of the Lord shall come, Jacob shall flourish in the wilderness, and the Lamanites shall blossom as a rose. Many of these converts and delightsome and have the Spirit of the Lord.

Perhaps there are some Lamanites today who are losing the dark pigment. Many of the members of the Church among the Catawba Indians of the South could readily pass as of the white race; also in other parts of the South. Ham, through Egyptus, continued the curse which was placed upon the seed of Cain. Because of that curse this dark race was separated and isolated from all the rest of Adam's posterity before the flood, and since that time the same condition has continued, and they have been 'despised among all people. Many [Native American] converts are delightsome and have the Spirit of the Lord.

It is not the authorities of the Church who have placed a restriction on him [the black man] regarding the holding of the Priesthood. It was not the Prophet Joseph Smith It was the Lord! There is a reason why one man is born black and with other disadvantages, while another is born white with great advantages. The reason is that we once had an estate before we came here, and were obedient, more or less, to the laws that were given us there. Those who were faithful in all things there received greater blessings here, and those who were not faithful received less. Joseph Fielding Smith , Doctrines of Salvation, p.

That negro race, for instance, have been placed under restrictions because of their attitude in the world of spirits, few will doubt. It cannot be looked upon as just that they should be deprived of the power of the Priesthood without it being a punishment for some act, or acts, performed before they were born. After the people again forgot the Lord and dissensions arose, some of them [modern Native Americans] took upon themselves the name Lamanites and the dark skin returned. There was the doctor in a Utah city who for two years had had an Indian boy in his home who stated that he was some shades lighter than the younger brother just coming into the program from the reservation.

These young members of the Church are changing to whiteness and to delightsomeness. Spencer W. Kimball , The Improvement Era, Dec. Kimball , Spencer W. In this picture of the twenty Lamanite missionaries, fifteen of the twenty were as light as Anglos, five were darker but equally delightsome. When I said you must teach your people to overcome their prejudices and accept the Indians, I did not mean that you would encourage intermarriage.

Kimball, "The Teachings of Spencer W. Kimball," p. These young members of the Church are changing to whiteness and delightsomeness. Kimball , General Conference, Oct. The day of the Lamanites is nigh. For years they have been growing delightsome, and they are now becoming white and delightsome, as they were promised. In this picture of the twenty Lamanite missionaries, fifteen of the twenty were as light as Anglos; five were darker but equally delightsome. The children in the home placement program in Utah are often lighter than their brothers and sisters in the hogans on the reservation. One white elder jokingly said that he and his companion were donating blood regularly to the hospital in the hope that the process might be accelerated. It went on for some time as I was searching for this, because I wanted to be sure.

We held a meeting of the Council of the Twelve [Apostles] in the temple on the regular day. We considered this very seriously and thoughtfully and prayerfully. I asked the Twelve not to go home when the time came. I said, 'Now would you be willing to remain in the temple with us? I offered the final prayer and told the Lord if it wasn't right, if He didn't want this change to come in the Church that I would be true to it the rest of my life, and I'd fight the world against it if that's what He wanted. We had this special prayer circle, then I knew the time had come.

I had a great deal to fight, of course, myself largely, because I had grown up with this thought that Negroes should not have the priesthood and I was prepared to go all the rest of my life till my death and fight for it and defend it as it was. But this revelation and assurance came to me so clearly that there was no question about it. Kimball , Deseret News, Jan. I mean that they should be brothers, to worship together and to work together and to play together; but we must discourage intermarriage, not because it is sin. It has been made known to one, who has left his wife in the state of N.

It was easily perceived that his permission was perfectly suited to his desires. I have frequently heard him state, that the Lord had made it known to him, that he is as free from his wife as from any other woman; and the only crime that I have ever heard alleged against her is, she is violently opposed to Mormonism. What do you know about the dangerous civil rights agitation in Mississippi! Ezra Taft Benson , th Annual Conference. I don't see anything further that we need to do. I don't hear any complaint from our black brethren and sisters.

I hear only appreciation and gratitude wherever I go. Gordon B. I remind you that no man who makes disparaging remarks concerning those of another race can consider himself a true disciple of Christ. Nor can he consider himself to be in harmony with the teachings of the Church of Christ. Let us all recognize that each of us is a son or daughter of our Father in Heaven, who loves all of His children. Hinckley , The Need for Greater Kindness. As a result of his rebellion, Cain was cursed with a dark skin; he became the father of the Negroes, and those spirits who are not worthy to receive the priesthood are born through this lineage Bruce R. McConkie , Mormon Doctrine, p. The Lord could have sent messengers from the other side to deliver it, but he did not.

He gave the revelation by the power of the Holy Ghost I cannot describe in words what happened; I can only say that it happened and that it can be known and understood only by the feeling that can come into the heart of man. You cannot describe a testimony to someone. Noah's son Ham married Egyptus, a descendant of Cain, thus preserving the Negro lineage through the flood. In a broad general sense, caste systems have their origin in the gospel itself, and when they operate according to the divine decree, the resultant restrictions and segregation are right and proper and have the approval of the lord.

To illustrate: Cain, Ham, and the whole negro race have been cursed with a black skin, the mark of Cain, so they can be identified as a caste apart, a people with whom the other descendants of Adam should not intermarry. Negroes in this life are denied the Priesthood; under no circumstances can they hold this delegation of authority from the Almighty. The gospel message of salvation is not carried affirmatively to them It is the Lord's doing, is based on his eternal laws of justice, and grows out of the lack of Spiritual valiance of those concerned in their first estate.

McConkie , Mormon Doctrine, , pp. I think I have read enough to give you an idea of what the Negro is after. He is not just seeking the opportunity of sitting down in a cafe where white people eat. He isn't just trying to ride on the same streetcar or the same Pullman car with white people. It isn't that he just desires to go to the same theater as the white people. From this, and other interviews I have read, it appears that the Negro seeks absorption with the white race.

He will not be satisfied until he achieves it by intermarriage. That is his objective and we must face it. We must not allow our feelings to carry us away, nor must we feel so sorry for Negroes that we will open our arms and embrace them with everything we have. Remember the little statement that we used to say about sin, 'First we pity, then endure, then embrace'. Mark E. Now what is our policy in regard to intermarriage? As to the Negro, of course, there is only one possible answer. We must not intermarry with the Negro If an individual who is entitled to the Priesthood marries a Negro, the Lord has decreed that only spirits who are not eligible for the Priesthood will come to that marriage as children.

To intermarry with a Negro is to forfeit a nation of Priesthood holders. The Lord segregated the people both as to blood and place of residence. He forbade intermarriage with them under threat of extension of the curse. And He certainly segregated the descendants of Cain when He cursed the Negro as to the Priesthood, and drew an absolute line. You may even say He dropped an Iron curtain there. When he told Enoch not preach the gospel to the descendants of Cain who were black, the Lord engaged in segregation. When He cursed the descendants of Cain as to the Priesthood, He engaged in segregation. God has commanded Israel not to intermarry. To go against this commandment of God would be in sin. Those who willfully sin with their eyes open to this wrong will not be surprised to find that they will be separated from the presence of God in the world to come.

This is spiritual death. We mustn't intermarry with the Negro. If I were to marry a Negro woman and have children by her, my children would all be cursed as to the priesthood. Do I want my children cursed as to the priesthood? If there is one drop of Negro blood in my children, as I have read to you, they receive the curse. Petersen , "Race problems as they affect the church". I think the Lord segregated the Negro and who is man to change that segregation? It reminds me of the scripture on marriage, "what God hath joined together, let no man put asunder.

What is our advice with respect to intermarriage with Chinese, Japanese, Hawaiians and so on? I will tell you what advice I give personally. If a boy or girl comes to me claiming to be in love with a Chinese or Japanese or a Hawaiian or a person of any other dark race, I do my best to talk them out of it Now we are generous with the Negro. We are willing that the Negro have the highest education. I would be willing to let every Negro drive a Cadillac if they could afford it. I would be willing that they have all the advantages they can get out of life in the world. But let them enjoy these things among themselves.

It reminds me of the scripture on marriage, 'what God hath joined together, let not man put asunder. The discussion on civil rights, especially over the last 20 years, has drawn some very sharp lines. It has blinded the thinking of some of our own people, I believe. They have allowed their political affiliations to color their thinking to some extent, and then, of course, they have been persuaded by some of the arguments that have been put forth.

We who teach in the Church certainly must have our feet on the ground and not to be led astray by the philosophies of men on this subject. We must accept the justice of God. He is fair to all. There are rewards and punishments, fully in harmony with His established policy in dealing with sinners and saints, rewarding all according to their deeds. Petersen , Race Problems as they Affect the Church. We must not allow our feelings to carry us away, nor must we feel so sorry for Negroes that, we will open our arms and embrace them with everything we have.

Remember the little statement that they used to say about sin, "First we pity, then endure, then embrace. Petersen , 'Race Problems as they Affect the Church'. From this and other interviews I have read, it appears that the Negro seeks absorption with the white race. This is his objective and we must face it. Who placed the Negroes originally in darkest Africa? Was it some man, or was it God? And when He placed them there, He segregated them. Therefore, discourse is said to be inextricably linked to power and more than just a medium utilized to transmit information. In the United Kingdom , the inquiry about the murder of the Black Briton Stephen Lawrence concluded that the investigating police force was institutionally racist.

Sir William Macpherson used the term as a description of "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin", which "can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes, and behaviour, which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping, which disadvantages minority ethnic people".

Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton were Black Power activists and first used the term 'institutional racism' in to describe the consequences of a societal structure that was stratified into a racial hierarchy that resulted in layers of discrimination and inequality for minority ethnic people in housing, income, employment, education and health Garner The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report , and the public's response to it, were among the major factors that forced the Metropolitan Police to address its treatment of ethnic minorities. More recently, the former Metropolitan Police Commissioner , Sir Ian Blair said that the British news media are institutionally racist, [] a comment that offended journalists, provoking angry responses from the media, despite the National Black Police Association welcoming Blair's assessment.

The report also found that the Metropolitan Police was institutionally racist. A total of 70 recommendations for reform were made. These proposals included abolishing the double jeopardy rule and criminalising racist statements made in private. Macpherson also called for reform in the British Civil Service, local governments, the National Health Service, schools, and the judicial system, to address issues of institutional racism. In the English and Welsh prison system, government data compiled in showed that youths of color are dis-proportionally subject to punishment the U. The COVID pandemic had caused some minors being held in pre-trial detention to be placed in solitary confinement indefinitely.

Institutional racism exists in various aspects of healthcare, from maternity to psychiatric. Black women are four times more likely to die in pregnancy, labour and up to a year postpartum than whites. Asian women are twice as likely as whites to die in pregnancy. Black women are twice as likely to have a stillborn baby than whites. Billig concluded that "racialist presuppositions" intruded into research at the Institute both unintentionally and intentionally. The treatment rate for whites is Black men were 4.

In a report by the Department for Innovations and Business Skills, it was found that black students were the most likely to receive under-predicted grades by their teachers. It was found that 8. Critics contend that part of the institutional racism in education in the UK is in the curriculum. The equality and human rights commission reported that black workers with degrees earned Standards of employment in the UK, as well as in the United States and other Western European countries, often disregard how certain standards, such as eye contact, have different meanings around the world.

Opposingly, most people in countries in North America and Western Europe see eye contact as expressing enthusiasm and trust. Institutional racism in the housing sector could be seen as early as the s with the Home Owners' Loan Corporation. Banks would determine a neighborhood's risk for loan default and redline neighborhoods that were at high risk of crime. These neighborhoods tended to be African-American neighborhoods, whereas whites were able to receive housing loans. Over several decades, as whites left the city to move to nicer houses in the suburbs, predominantly African-American neighborhoods fell apart. Retail stores also started moving to the suburbs to be closer to the customers and to avoid being robbed.

Roosevelt 's New Deal in the s and through the s, the FHA contributed to the economic growth of the white population by providing loan guarantees to banks, which in turn financed white homeownership and enabled white flight , [] and it did not make loans available to black people. Moreover, many college students were then, in turn, financed with the equity in homeownership that was gained by having gotten the earlier government handout, which was not the same accorded to black and other minority families. The institutional racism of the FHA's model has been tempered after the recent recession by changes in the s and most recently by President Obama's efforts [] to stabilize the housing losses of with his Fair Housing Finance GSE reform.

These changes, which were brought on by government-funded programs and projects, have led to a significant change in inner-city markets. Poor consumers are left with the option of traveling to middle-income neighborhoods, or spending more for less. The racial segregation and disparities in wealth between European Americans and African-American people include legacies of historical policies. In the Social Security Act of , agricultural workers and servants, who disproportionately were black, were excluded because key whites did not want governmental assistance to change the agrarian system. Richard Rothstein, in his book "The Color of Law," tells of a history of residential segregation in America. He noted that government institutions in all branches and at all levels and were complicit in excluding African Americans from home-ownership.

In , the Fair Housing Act FHA was signed into law to eliminate the effects of state-sanctioned racial segregation. But it failed to change the status quo as the United States remained nearly segregated as in the s. A newer discriminating lending practice was the subprime lending in the s. Lenders targeted high-interest subprime loans to low-income and minority neighborhoods who might be eligible for fair-interest prime loans. Securitization, mortgage brokers and other non-deposit lenders, and legislative deregulation of the mortgage lending industry all played a role in promoting the subprime lending market. Numerous audit studies conducted in the s in the United States found consistent evidence of discrimination against African Americans and Hispanics in metropolitan housing markets.

The long-outlawed practice of redlining in which banks choke off lending to minority communities recently re-emerged as a concern for federal bank regulators in New York and Connecticut. The bank had been accused of steering clear of higher crime neighborhoods and favoring whites in granting loans and mortgages, finding that, of the approximately 1, mortgages made in , only 25 went to black applicants. The banks' executives denied bias, and the settlement came with adjustments to the banks' business practices. This followed other successful efforts by the federal, state and city officials in to expand lending programs directed at minorities, and in some cases to force banks to pay penalties for patterns of redlining in Providence, Rhode Island; St.

The Justice Department also has more active redlining investigations underway, [] and officials have stated to reporters that "redlining is not a thing of the past". It has evolved, they explained, into a more politically correct version, where bankers do not talk openly about denying loans to black people. The Justice Department officials noted that some banks quietly had institutionalized bias in their operations. Such management decisions are not the stated intent, it is left unspoken so that even the bank's other customers are unaware that it is occurring. In the s and s, laws were passed banning the practice; its return is far less overt, and while the vast majority of banks operate legally, the practice appears to be more widespread as the investigation revealed a vast disparity in loans approved for black people as compared to whites in similar situations.

Studies in major cities, such as Los Angeles and Baltimore, show that communities of color have lower levels of access to parks and green space. The public spaces allow for social interactions, increase the likelihood of daily exercise in the community and improve mental health. They can also reduce the urban heat island effect , provide wildlife habitat, control floods, and reduce certain air pollutants.

Minority groups have less access to decision-making processes that determine the distribution of parks. Institutional racism impacts health care accessibility within non-white minority communities by creating health disparities among racial groups. Institutional racism can affect minority health directly through health-related policies, as well as through other factors indirectly. For example, racial segregation disproportionately exposed black communities to chemical substances such as lead paint, respiratory irritants such as diesel fumes, crowding, litter, and noise.

Members of racial minority groups that have a disadvantaged status in education and employment are more likely to be uninsured, which significantly impedes them from accessing preventive, diagnostic, or therapeutic health services. Racial minorities in the United States are exposed to greater health and environmental risks than the general population. PCBs are toxic chemicals that can leach into the groundwater and contaminate the drinking water supply. Research shows that there is racial discrimination in the enforcement of environmental laws and regulations.

People of color and the poor are more likely to live, work and play in America's most polluted environments. Institutional environmental racism encompasses these land use decisions that contribute to health issues such as asthma, obesity and diabetes. The opioid epidemic in the United States is overwhelmingly white, sparing African-American and Latino communities because doctors unconsciously prescribe narcotics more cautiously to their non-white patients.

The COVID pandemic disproportionately affected African Americans, with more dying of the disease during its initial wave than other racial groups. Coronavirus task force , Dr. Anthony Fauci , testified that a combination of factors affect the disproportionate numbers of minorities infected. In responding as to whether institutional racism has played a part in the data gleaned by the CDC , he pointed out the risk of infection along with underlying conditions in certain demographics was a factor, but affirmed his opinion that this was the case. Black women are two and one-half times more likely to die from maternal causes than are white women.

For example, in Wisconsin , the black-white life expectancy gap is about 6 years for females and 7 years for males, and in Washington D. C this gap is about 12 years for females and greater than 17 years among males. Although approximately two-thirds of crack cocaine users are white or Hispanic people reported past-year use in of 0. In , Within the federal judicial system, a person convicted of possession with intent to distribute powder cocaine carries a five-year sentence for quantities of grams or more, while a person convicted of possession with intent to distribute crack cocaine faces a five-year sentence for quantities of five grams or more.

With the combination of severe and unbalanced drug-possession laws, along with the rates of conviction in terms of race, the judicial system has created a racial disparity. The law was changed in to reduce disparity; it affected only new cases. The need, according to Senate, was for a retroactive fix to reduce the thousands serving long sentences after four decades of extreme sentencing policies. Studies have shown it is possible to reduce both prison populations and crime at the same time. Sentencing commission announced a retroactive reduction in drug sentences following a year-long review, which will result in a mass release of 6, prisoners, all of whom have already served substantial time in prison.

Some of those to be released will be deported, and all will be subject to further judicial review. The issue of policies that target minority populations in large cities, also known as stop and frisk and arrest quotas , as practiced by the NYPD, have receded from media coverage due to lawsuits that have altered the practice. After taking office in , New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio declined to continue litigating stop-and-frisk practices, and the number of minorities stopped under the practice dropped dramatically. A Stanford University study that analyzed 93 million traffic stops in the United States revealed that African Americans are twenty percent more likely to be stopped despite being less likely to be in possession of contraband compared to white people.

A Harvard University study [] found that in Massachusetts's criminal justice system minorities face greater risk to be represented across all parts of the criminal justice system in excess of their proportion of the population in that state. The likelihood that they will get arrested and convicted due to drug or weapons charges is eight times greater than for whites. Black people were found to receive average sentences that were days longer, and Latino people days longer, for the same offences. The study concluded that regarding ' stop and frisk ' "The disparity in searches was more consistent with racial bias than with differences in criminal conduct,". A recent report by former Homeland Security secretary Jeh Johnson found both overt and institutional racism to be a pervasive problem in the NYS court system.

Chief administrative Judge Lawrence K. Marks found the reports findings troubling and said the state would attempt to implement all the report's solutions. The report also highlighted intolerant racism among court officers. One judge said the reluctance to provide funding to New York city courts was "the very definition of institutional bias". The disparity between the sentences given to black people and white offenders has been most highlighted by that of crack- and powdered-cocaine offenses, which received disparate sentencing pursuant to federal law.

Members of Congress and state legislators believed these harsh, inflexible sentences would catch those at the top of the drug trade and deter others from entering it. Instead, this broad response to the drug problem brought in more low-level offenders, which resulted in overcapacity prison populations and increased burdens for taxpayers. A federal investigation initiated before the Michael Brown shooting in Ferguson, Missouri, found faults with the treatment given youths in the juvenile justice system in St.

Louis County, Missouri. The Justice Department, following a month investigation based on 33, cases over three years, reported that black youths were treated more harshly than were whites and that all low-income youths, regardless of race, were deprived of their basic constitutional rights. Youths who encountered law enforcement got little or no chance to challenge detention or get any help from lawyers. With only one public defender assigned to juveniles in a county of one million, and that Legal Aid handled cases in The investigation was unrelated to the notorious case that roiled St. Louis, beginning before the police shooting of the unarmed black youth. But to be accepted into the informal process, offenders had to admit to guilt, which runs afoul of the right not to incriminate oneself in criminal proceedings.

It also found them more likely to be held in detention, and also subsequently sentenced to incarceration once the case was finished. They were also more likely to be detained for violating parole from a previous case. The county did not cooperate fully with the Justice Department, and the St. Louis Family Court declined to comment, as did the state court system, of which it is a part. A Justice Department official faulted "the role of implicit bias when there are discretionary decisions to be made". In most state courts, the public defender's office decides who is poor enough to merit representation; in St. Louis Family Court the judge or court commissioner, sometimes based on different standards, decides who gets access to counsel.

Their competency to take part in their own defense was never established and the legal aide in the cases examined never challenged a probable cause finding, hired an expert witness or challenged hearsay evidence or leading questions and most cases ended with the child pleading guilty. The Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department began four investigations beginning in delving into juvenile justice systems in Mississippi, Tennessee, Texas, and Missouri, and, while settlements were reached, it has had to file suit to overcome the disparities in criminal convictions. In , two Washington state supreme court justices, Richard B. Sanders and James M. They stated that there was too much African-American representation in the prison population because African Americans are known to commit a number of crimes and not because of their race.

A black lawyer said that she was shocked to hear these two justices refer to a former Legal Aid lawyer's assertions in a report using the phrase poverty pimp. Shirley Bondon, a state Administrative Office of the Courts AOC manager who oversaw court programs critical of the legal system, told the justices that she believed that there was racial "bias in the criminal-justice system, from the bottom up. James M. Johnson , who was noted as the most conservative judge on the court, agreed, noting that African Americans commit crimes against their own communities, to which Bondon objected, requesting a closed-door meeting with the court.

Within, Justice Debra Stephens said that she heard Sanders and Johnson make the comments, including Johnson using the words "you all" or "you people" when he stated that African Americans commit crimes in their own communities. In , African Americans represented 4 percent of Washington State's population but 20 percent of the prison population. Nationwide, similar disparities have been attributed by researchers to sentencing practices, [] inadequate legal representation, [] drug-enforcement policies [] and criminal-enforcement procedures that unfairly affect African Americans.

In , an investigation revealed that Oklahoma Judges who violated their judicial oaths and failed to comply with laws faced no sanctions as none had been imposed since Across the United States, thousands more were privately sanctioned in chambers by Supreme Court Justices and had their cases closed without the public ever being notified of what they were charged with. The report identified 3, cases from to where judges were disciplined but had their identities hidden, along with the nature of the offences- from public scrutiny.

The report found that 9 out of 10 judges sanctioned for misconduct were allowed to return to their duties, revealing a lax oversight and lenient disciplinary system in place for significant transgressions. In , the U. Department of Justice pursued charges against 21 officers and executives of the Phelps Dodge Mining Company for the kidnapping of 1, workers across state lines from Bisbee, Arizona. The men were subsequently released based on a pre-trial motion from the defense, claiming that the federal government had no basis for charging them, as no federal law was broken.

Arizona officials never initiated criminal proceedings in state court against those responsible for the deportation of workers and their lost wages and other losses. The Justice Department appealed, but in United States v. Wheeler , U. Constitution did not empower the federal government to enforce the rights of the deportees. Rather it "necessarily assumed the continued possession by the states of the reserved power to deal with free residence, ingress, and egress. By this calculated reasoning, the officials situated at the Supreme Court erred in not taking the side that in today's legal lexicon had every right to seek justice and redress, not only for the stolen wages, union busting, false imprisonment and other crimes, but for the inherent right not to be forcibly removed from your home by men with guns and shipped in cattle cars across state lines as many homeowners were.

That 8 of the 9 supreme court justices concurred and, based on anti-radical speech sentiment at the time post WWI anti-union and IWW , [] leads to the conclusion that the government gave the company cover to remove the workers, many of whom were Mexicans advocating for better pay and working condition, to a place in the next state closer to the border with the admonition never to return. Guest , U. At the end of the conflict, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer and others advocated for a peacetime equivalent of the Sedition Act , using the Bisbee events as a justification.

They stated that the only reason the company representatives and local law enforcement had taken the law into their own hands was that the government lacked the power to suppress radical sentiment directly. If the government was armed with appropriate legislation and the threat of long prison terms, private citizens would not feel the need to act. Writing in , Harvard Professor Zechariah Chafee mocked that view: "Doubtless some governmental action was required to protect pacifists and extreme radicals from mob violence, but incarceration for a period of twenty years seems a very queer kind of protection. Vigilante actions and violence against Mexicans in the Southwest has been documented from the s to s.

Hundreds to thousands of Mexicans were killed, many of them American citizens, by white Anglo Americans and government forces. Some were killed to drive them off their land or because they were suspected as bandits or rebels. Many were lynched, including some taken from jail cells or killed in front of hundreds. For example, a month after the Brite Ranch raid in Texas, Rangers committed the Porvenir massacre near the Mexican border where 15 men and boys were executed and falsely accused of involvement in the raid.

She was later over-ruled by the head of the State Historical Commission, who brokered a deal to erect markers at Anglo ranches that were victims of suspected Mexican Villistas as well. According to the United States Department of Justice, Palmer violated his oath of office by misusing the Department of Justice to go illegally after those advocating for better wages. Strikers became targets of agent provocateurs who infiltrated meetings of "communist labor" and anti-war activists. After the Bisbee deportations became exposed in the press, Americans were divided about the treatment of illegal aliens, who were purported communists. Former President Theodore Roosevelt opined in the press that the Bisbee miners "had it coming, as they were hell-bent on havoc!

The Red Scare that fueled institutional racism in the s against Russian Jews and other Eastern European immigrants was a backlash to the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and a bombing campaign early in by Italian anarchists advocating the overthrow of the government. The result was the infamous Palmer raids , ostensibly a deportation measure to remove dangerous aliens. Mitchell Palmer began a series of raids cooked up to remove radicals and anarchists from the United States.

Warrants were requested from compliant officials in the Labor Department , and a number of foreign nationals caught up in the sweeping raids were eventually deported. As only the department of labor had the legal right to deport aliens, they did object to the methods; nevertheless, under color of law , the raids began on 7 November It was led by a year-old J. Newspaper accounts reported some were "badly beaten" during the arrests. Government agents cast a wide net, bringing in some American citizens, passers-by who admitted being Russian, some not members of the Russian Workers.

Arrests far exceeded the number of warrants. Of arrested in New York City, the government managed to deport just Hoover organized the next raids. He successfully persuaded the Department of Labor to ease its insistence on promptly alerting those arrested of their right to an attorney. Instead, Labor issued instructions that its representatives could wait until after the case against the defendant was established, "in order to protect government interests. Finally, despite the fact that Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson insisted that more than membership in an organization was required for a warrant, Hoover worked with more compliant Labor officials and overwhelmed Labor staff to get the warrants he wanted.

Justice Department officials, including Palmer and Hoover, later claimed ignorance of such details. The Justice Department launched a series of raids on 2 January , with follow-up operations over the next few days. Smaller raids extended over the next six weeks. At least 3, were arrested, and many others were held for various lengths of time. The entire enterprise replicated the November action on a larger scale, including arrests and seizures without search warrants, as well as detention in overcrowded and unsanitary holding facilities.

Hoover later admitted "clear cases of brutality". Some cases in Boston included torture, where detainees were placed in a 'hot box' above a furnace and given one glass of water and a slice of bread a day and kept there for 50 hours. The raids covered more than 30 cities and towns in 23 states, but those west of the Mississippi and south of Ohio were "publicity gestures" designed to make the effort appear nationwide in scope.

Because the raids targeted entire organizations, agents arrested everyone found in organization meeting halls, not only arresting non-radical organization members but also visitors who did not belong to a target organization, and sometimes American citizens not eligible for arrest and deportation. In a few weeks, after changes in personnel at the Department of Labor, Palmer faced a new and very independent-minded Acting Secretary of Labor in Assistant Secretary of Labor Louis Freeland Post , who canceled more than 2, warrants as being illegal.

Of the 10, arrested, 3, were held by authorities in detention; resident aliens were eventually deported under the Immigration Act of The President listened to his feuding department heads and offered no comment about Post, but he ended the meeting by telling Palmer that he should "not let this country see red. On 28 May , the ACLU published its "Report Upon the Illegal Practices of the United States Department of Justice", [] which carefully documented the Justice Department's unlawful activities in arresting suspected radicals, illegal entrapment by agents provocateurs , and unlawful incommunicado detention.

He wrote: "That a Quaker should employ prison and exile to counteract evil-thinking is one of the saddest ironies of our time. Anderson ordered the discharge of 17 arrested aliens and denounced the Department of Justice's actions. He wrote that "a mob is a mob, whether made up of Government officials acting under instructions from the Department of Justice or of criminals and loafers and the vicious classes. In Montana, copper miners were dissatisfied with the Western Federation of Miners and thus clashes between the miners were formed leading to the detainment of many workers in the field.

The U. District Court Judge George M. Bourquin , wrote in a decision granting a writ releasing them on 12 February , "The Declaration of Independence, the writings of the Fathers of our Country, the Revolution, the Constitution and the Union, all were inspired to overthrow the like governmental tyranny. They are yet living, vital, potential forces to safeguard all domiciled in the country, aliens as well as citizens. If evidence of the alien's evil advocacy and teaching is so wanting that it exists in only that herein, and as secured herein, he is a far less danger to this country that are the parties who in violation of law and order, of humanity and justice, have brought him to deportation.

They are the spirit of intolerance incarnate, and the most alarming manifestation in America today. The judge summed it up neatly; "Thoughtful men who love this country and its institutions see more danger in them and in their practices and the government by hysteria they stimulate, than in the miserable, hated "Reds" that are the ostensible occasion of them all. Those people may confidently assume that even as the "Reds", they too in due time will pass, and the nation still lives. It is for the courts to deal with both, to hold both in check when brought within the jurisdiction. His first book, Freedom of Speech , established modern First Amendment theory. Many other minorities also suffered from institutional racism.

One example is immigration policies against Chinese. The intensified job competition during the s on the West Coast between Chinese workers and whites invoked anti-Chinese movement. The first Chinese Exclusion Act of was passed to prohibit Chinese immigrating to the United States, resulting in only ten Chinese immigrants into the United States in Anti-immigration sentiment can also affect minorities who have been U.

The Immigration Act reversed the national-origins quota system that had been in place since the s, which had discriminated against certain ethnic minorities, [] particularly those originating in the Eastern Hemisphere. Voluntary repatriation was more common than formal deportation. The government formally deported at least 82, people to Mexico between and Few were formally deported, with most going to Mexico from their own towns where officials using threats of deportation coerced them; or were repatriated through voluntary — though often coercive — repatriation programs directed by state and local governments, and charitable aid agencies.

The repatriation campaign was a response to migration west by the Oakies and housing and wage labor shortages in the United States during the Great Depression. With increased poverty and fewer jobs, many Americans and officials scapegoated Mexicans. Doak Hoovervilles scapegoated "illegal immigrants" migrant workers as taking jobs from Americans. While not specifying Mexicans, repatriation campaigns overwhelmingly targeted Mexicans. According to Abraham Hoffman, [] "from on, cities and counties across the country intensified and embarked upon repatriation programs, conducted under the auspices of either local welfare bureaus or private charitable agencies".

The Los Angeles chairman of the board of supervisors' charities and public welfare committee and later Los Angeles mayor , Frank L. Shaw had researched the legality of deportation but was advised by that only the federal government was legally allowed to deport people. As a result, the L. County supervisors called their campaign " repatriation ", which Balderrama [] asserts was a euphemism for deportation. Visel, [] the spokesman for Los Angeles Citizens Committee for Coordination of Unemployment Relief began his "unemployment relief measure" that would create a "psychological gesture" intended to "scarehead" [] Mexicans out of Los Angeles, [] through a series of "publicity releases announcing the deportation campaign, a few arrests would be made 'with all publicity possible and pictures', and both police and deputy sheriffs would assist".

Numerous books have been written about the repatriations including 'Decade of Betrayal', by social history professor Raymond Rodriguez and Francisco Balderrama. Government for the Repatriation. In a survey of the nine most commonly used American history textbooks in the United States, four did not mention the topic, and only one devoted more than half a page to the topic. In total, they devoted four pages to the repatriation. The Mexican labor that supplied U. Those apprehended were often deported without recovering property or contacting family and were often stranded without food or employment when they entered Mexico. Deported Mexicans often faced extreme conditions, and some were left in the desert; 88 deported workers died in degree heat in July Most deported were sent by ship to Veracruz or transported by land to southern Mexican cities.

During the Operation, recruitment of illegal workers by American growers continued due to the inexpensiveness of illegal labor and desire to avoid the bureaucratic obstacles of the Bracero program. Merit-based hiring to civil service titles are race-blind in terms of hiring preferences; in practice, however, there are titles that have resisted integration to the present day. Institutions that resist even past the civil right fights of the s and s resulted in court interventions in the s and even up to the last decade.

Many of the Consent Decrees that resulted from court intervention came about as a result of the federal government intervening due to EEOC complaints in hiring or attempts to litigate discrimination that was overt. Police and Fire Departments across the country have been slow to change the insular culture that kept them lacking in diversity and open to challenges. Civil Service, as an institution, was traditionally used to prevent nepotism and the influence of politics in appointments to the position.

Authorized at the federal level in , it came about due to reforms of the spoils system in place since the s, and abuses of the post-Civil War era, when Congress authorized the president to appoint a Civil Service Commission and prescribe regulations for admission to public service. A dissatisfied office-seeker assassinated President Garfield in , and Congress was motivated to pass the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act in , which firmly established the Civil Service.

During Reconstruction, this enabled the federal government to provide jobs for newly freed black people in the South primarily the Postal Service where no other employment opportunities existed for them. Since the inception of the merit system in , the numbers of black people in federal Civil Service positions rose from 0. Since , the majority of federal employees are placed in positions that are classified by Civil Service designations. Civil Service Reform. In , with segregation the law of the land, Southern Democrats in Congress under the administration of President Woodrow Wilson had attempted to remove as many minorities as possible from their established position in the federal Civil Service, especially at the Postal Service.

This enabled the administration to demote and eliminate black civil servants from positions held in Civil Service and further prevented any new appointments, thus purposefully exacerbating black exclusion from the federal Civil Service. Signs appeared restricting toilets and lunchrooms, whole offices were segregated by room and workers were paired off by race. There were also bills to restrict black immigration. This spread to the states where more bills passed restricting black people. Federal Civil Service did not fare well under Wilson, as he held that "it was to their advantage" and "likely to remove many of the difficulties which have surrounded the appointment and advancement of colored men and women", espousing the segregation taking place under his administration.

Faculty members of color often engage in research regarding issues of diversity, [] which many whites deemed "risky". Historically and internationally, support for affirmative action has sought to achieve goals such as bridging inequalities in employment and pay, increasing access to education, promoting diversity, and redressing apparent past wrongs, harms, or hindrances. In the last quarter of the 20th Century, racism became associated with systems rather than individuals. Schuette banned the Racism Exposed In An Indian Fathers Plea of race in Racism Exposed In An Indian Fathers Plea university admissions. Youths who encountered law enforcement got little or no chance to challenge detention or get any help from lawyers. After the Bisbee deportations became exposed in the press, Americans were divided about the treatment of Absent Fathers Essay aliens, who were purported communists.