➊ Reflection Paper On Racial Profiling

Fifty years ago, the evidence in the congressionally authorized Coleman Report put a twist on Brown Reflection Paper On Racial Profiling, suggesting that socioeconomic school integration Andrew Prestons Stereotypes increase academic achievement more than any other school strategy. Heard in Japan, used by non-Japanese. Gay, Culturally Responsive Teaching; A. Rice-Picker Asians Because they pick rice. Used a lot by Charles M. Blacks Other Than White. Again looking at a local context, Louisville, Kentucky provides a Reflection Paper On Racial Profiling microcosm of changing racial attitudes about diverse Don T Call Me Ishmael Character Analysis. Nade Canadians Shortened form of "Canadian. Hispanics Those who worked on the suez canal Reflection Paper On Racial Profiling would wear a uniform which had Working On Government project on it.

Family Shopping Trip to Walmart Ends With Alleged Racial Profiling

In fact, some scholars have advocated for different pedagogical models since the inception of CRP that seek to address social and cultural factors in classrooms. Many of these models focus on the home-to-school connection as CRP does, while others expand on the application of even earlier concepts of critical pedagogy aimed at promoting concepts such as civic consciousness and identity formation.

Most recently, a reflection on the misuse of CRP has called for the rethinking of original theory and welcomes a shift to the theory of Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy, which aims to foster cultural pluralism as part of the goals of a democratic society. Clearly, there is much rich information, conceptualization, and understanding in the K—12 literature on teaching and learning as it relates to issues of race and ethnicity more broadly. The next step in utilizing these more culturally based understandings of schools and curricula is to apply this thinking to diverse schools and classrooms more specifically. Educators in schools across the country—some isolated in single classrooms and some working on a school-wide set of pedagogical reforms—are starting to grapple with these issues in racially and ethnically diverse classrooms.

The fact that the educational benefits of racially and ethnically diverse campuses and classrooms has been a more central argument and defining theme of higher education jurisprudence, leadership, and research than it has in the area of K—12 research and policy is problematic, given the added attention generally to issues of teaching and learning in the K—12 literature. But as we highlight in Figure 1, there are several reasons why issues related to the educational benefits of diversity appear to have fallen off the K—12 research radar screen in the last twenty-five years.

This includes, most notably, a highly fragmented and segregated K—12 educational system of entrenched between-district segregation that cannot be easily addressed after Milliken v. Meanwhile, this fragmented and segregated educational system is governed by accountability and legal mandates that give no credence to the educational benefits of learning in diverse contexts. As noted above, several areas of research on the sociocultural issues related to teaching students of different racial and ethnic backgrounds that could help inform our understanding of the pedagogical approaches that foster educational benefits of diversity in the K—12 system are disconnected, often designed to address the needs of students in the racially segregated school system they attend.

In this section, we highlight the demographic, educational, and political forces that we think may have the potential to shift the system in that direction. Much attention has been paid to the fact that the U. Even more notably, this transition is happening much more quickly amid our younger population. Department of Education. Rapid growth in the Hispanic and Asian populations, coupled with a black population that has remained constant and a decline in the percentage of whites, has led to a total K—12 enrollment of 49 percent white, 26 percent Hispanic, 15 percent black; and 5 percent Asian for the —15 school year.

Coinciding with the changing racial makeup of the country and our public schools is a profound shift in who lives where. In many contexts, our post-World War II paradigm of all-white suburbs and cities as the places where blacks and Hispanics live has been turned on its head. Black suburbanization rates were even lower—about 12—15 percent—in the Northeast. But these racialized housing patterns are in the midst of another epic shift. Beginning slowly in the s and increasing in the s and s, when federal policies and regulations or lack thereof promoted home ownership among moderate-income families, growing numbers of black, Latino, and Asian families were moving to suburbs such as Ferguson, Missouri see Figure 5.

By , nearly 40 percent of blacks were living in the suburbs. Suburbanization has also increased among immigrant families—mostly Latino and Asian—and by , 48 percent of immigrants were residing in suburban areas. In the s, journalists and researchers were increasingly reporting on the growing number of distressed suburbs that were coming to resemble poor inner-city communities. But the author was quick to note that declining suburban neighborhoods did not begin with the mortgage crisis, and they would not end with it as more people with high incomes move into the cities.

The New York City metropolitan area represents a prime example of the most recent trading spaces phenomenon. The percentage of whites in Manhattan increased 28 percent between and , while it declined in nearby suburban Nassau County. During the same six-year period, the Hispanic population declined by 2 percent in Manhattan, but increased by 20 percent in Nassau. Meanwhile, a growing number of American suburbs where more than half of the U.

In fact, today, in the fifty-largest metropolitan areas, 44 percent of residents live in racially and ethnically diverse suburbs, defined as between 20 and 60 percent non-white. Indeed, it is increasingly clear that contemporary urban and suburban communities each contain pockets of both poverty and affluence, often functioning as racially and ethnically distinct spaces. In fact, by , one million more poor people lived in suburban compared to urban area s. In Brooklyn, New York, for instance, a growing number of communities that were, only ten years ago, almost entirely minority and low-income are now becoming or have already become predominantly white and affluent. Ironically, in in-depth interviews we are conducting, white gentrifiers state that one reason they moved into the city was to live in neighborhoods more diverse than the homogeneous suburbs where many grew up.

Similarly, they note that they want their children to attend public schools with other children of different backgrounds. There is much hard work to be done at the school level to assure that all students enrolled have the opportunity to achieve to high levels. In public schools with a growing population of more affluent students, educators often seek assistance in meeting the needs of a wide range of students. In the last decade, a small but growing body of literature has documented the impact of urban gentrification on the enrollment and culture in public schools.

There is also an emerging focus on the impact of changing demographics on suburban public schools. In other suburbs, further from the New York City boundary, the white, non-Hispanic population has stabilized at about 50 percent. In both contexts, educators and students are grappling with racial, ethnic, and cultural differences that many of them had not encountered before. When we think of education policies and practices to support and sustain the increasingly diverse public schools in both urban and suburban contexts, it is clear that K—12 educators and educational researchers have much to learn from the higher education research on the educational benefits of diversity in efforts to both close racial and socioeconomic achievement gaps while helping all students succeed.

And just as fair-housing advocacy has increasingly prioritized the stabilization and sustainability of diverse communities, education policy needs to follow suit. Unfortunately, too few policy makers see the need for such programs, even as a growing number of educators in diverse schools are clamoring for help to close those gaps and teach diverse groups of students. The current mismatch between the policies and the needs of an increasingly racially and ethnically diverse society inspire us to fill the void with compelling success stories of public schools working toward a greater public good by tapping into the possibility of changing neighborhoods to teach children how to thrive in a society of racial and cultural differences.

One of the schools we are studying in a gentrifying area is helping build more cross-racial understanding across the Hispanic and white parent groups by trying to assure more equal voice in the decision-making processes—everything from the kind of food and music available at the fund raisers to the mix of various field trips to cultural institutions. Schools and communities on the front lines of demographic change face significant obstacles to realizing the sort of educational benefits of diversity that can help us all understand and appreciate differences. Urban history suggests that when a racial group begins migrating to a new community, the existing population is likely either to be pushed out or to flee, setting into play a perpetual cycle of segregation and resegregation.

The most disadvantaged students are the most negatively impacted by such a failure. Thus, as leaders in higher education have relied heavily on social science evidence to put forth a powerful legal and policy argument in support of the educational benefits of diverse campuses and classrooms, the policy priorities in K—12 public education have gone in the other direction, with a strong focus on narrow accountability measures within increasingly segregated schools. Policymakers who ignore the rapid demographic changes within the K—12 population miss a critical opportunity to lead this increasingly diverse nation toward a more equal and cohesive future. In fact, many voters would welcome more leadership in this area.

Further, attitudes among whites have changed more , simply because they had further to go due to the fact that nonwhite respondents have favored diversity for longer and in larger numbers. Although diverse, integrated spaces are becoming more socially desirable, our society is still quite divided along racial lines in terms of perceptions of how far we still have to go to achieve racial equality. While nearly all whites dismiss at least publicly ideas that blacks in particular are less intelligent or hardworking, and fewer oppose interracial marriage, they are increasingly less likely to believe that blacks continue to experience racial discrimination as a result of structural inequality and a history of slavery and oppression.

These divergent perceptions point to the true educational benefits of diversity, particularly the democratic, deliberative goals of intercultural dialogue and understanding, and they are sorely needed—for students, parents, and community members. These racial divides on issues of past injustices and ongoing structural inequality are best addressed through cross-racial dialogue and understanding. The need to sustain racially and ethnically diverse communities is vital to our future as a diverse democracy.

A hopeful sign related to the last point above is that parallel to these shifts in racial attitudes is the growing desire for diverse schools and classrooms. Despite the many challenges and shortcomings of school desegregation that played out across the United States in the early phases of this policy, in the decades following the implementation of these policies, interracial contact slowly increased and racism among whites declined. As our society becomes more diverse racially and ethnically, support for integrated schools has only grown stronger. A rise in support started in the late s and accelerated in the s. For instance, a review of public opinion on school desegregation found Americans increasingly in favor of desegregation.

This was particularly true among people who have personal experience with desegregated schools. This included the agreement of the vast majority of African Americans—84 percent. A survey of more than three thousand adults found that nearly three-fifths of respondents—including 60 percent of white parents—said they believed integrated schools were better for their children. According to a Newsweek survey, 71 percent of all respondents felt that increasing diversity and integration in public schools is important to their improvement. This number was higher among African American and Hispanic respondents than among whites, but is much higher among whites than in previous years. The wording of this question, which is the only one that has remained nearly identical, allows for a comparison in responses that would not have been possible otherwise.

Again looking at a local context, Louisville, Kentucky provides a good microcosm of changing racial attitudes about diverse schools. In the s, when the school desegregation plan was first proposed, 98 percent of those polled in the Louisville area were opposed to the plan. S Supreme Court ruling in that sharply curtailed the use of race in the Louisville student assignment plan, the school district actually tried different ways of promoting diversity. Similarly, a recent grassroots movement in Wake County, North Carolina is an example of the strong support that parents, students, and school leaders have for maintaining racially diverse public schools. For example, after the courts ruled to release the Charlotte Mecklenburg School District in North Carolina from their court-ordered desegregation plan, the district fought against the decision, arguing that they had a compelling interest in maintaining racially integrated schools.

The unfortunate reality is that even for parents who prefer diverse schools, these structural challenges make finding and choosing these schools very difficult. This parent, and millions like him, know intuitively that educating children in racially segregated schools does not prepare them for living and working in the increasingly diverse society in which they will become adults. As was well-documented in the amicus briefs in the Fisher II case, there is mounting evidence that universities and employers are seeking students and employees who can work with diverse groups of people and who have cross-cultural, group-work skills.

One has to wonder why, when so many parents, universities, and employers want to see our children attending less racially isolated public schools, our policy makers are not listening. The lack of attention to this matter on the part of our political leaders is all the more puzzling given the recent backlash against the policies they have recently supported, most notably, standardized tests. Over the last three decades, public schools in the United States have been required to measure student learning with greater frequency via state-mandated standardized tests.

Since , the federal government has played a central role in the accountability movement, basically forcing each state to establish an accountability system or lose federal funding. If all we value about education can be illustrated in a few numbers, then these recent policy developments are acceptable—good even. But if we want more than that, then this trajectory is problematic. The strong negative correlation between the percentage of black, Latino, and low-income children in a school and its average test scores has been persistent. But these understandings are too rarely discussed.

Meanwhile, research on learning and pedagogy suggest that the best way to engage students is to build on their existing knowledge and then connect those understandings to more abstract and unfamiliar topics. An approach to accountability that relies almost exclusively on standardized tests often has a negative impact on the educational experiences of all children, but particularly those of low-income black and Latino students. It also works directly against political incentives to create more racially and ethnically diverse schools.

Such a system is anything but colorblind, and can only be addressed via a race-conscious and progressive agenda. Part of that agenda could potentially include several elements found in the newly implemented Common Core Standards reform. In fact, many progressive educators celebrate the fact that the Common Core, if taught in a manner that does not put standardized tests at the center, provides students with the opportunity to engage in close critical readings of complex texts and to question and interrogate what they read. In theory, the Common Core provides teachers with more freedom for planning meaningful literacy experiences for students.

The Common Core guidelines even recommend some texts that reflect a departure from the traditional canon that has marginalized students from non-white and low-income backgrounds for many years. Such pedagogy is best used in culturally and racially diverse schools and classrooms. Historic civil rights organizations, such as the Southern Poverty Law Center, are embracing this progressive potential of the Common Core. Such efforts can and should be shared and expanded. In racially and ethnically diverse schools, such experiences could easily tap into, strengthen, and augment the educational benefits of diversity in a manner similar to what the universities and some schools districts for example, Lynn, Massachusetts are arguing for in the courts. When good ideas that could help support racially and ethnically diverse schools and prepare all students for a more dynamic and diverse global economy are being thwarted by a testing regime, it is time to reevaluate the importance we have placed on narrow measures of student achievement.

Building on a groundswell of resistance to such approaches across the country , a more race-conscious and progressive policy agenda can unfold. The success of this approach will depend on using the knowledge researchers have gained over the past several decades in both the higher education literature and K—12 literature as discussed in previous sections. This legislation not only grants more decision-making power to the states, but it also requires assessments to involve multiple measures of student achievement, including measures that assess higher-order thinking skills and understanding. In other words, student growth may be assessed in the form of portfolios, projects or extended performance tasks.

At the same time, higher education scholars and educators have much to learn from K—12 researchers and teachers about how to connect the sociocultural issues of diverse schools to teaching and learning. All this can lead to a more thoughtful educational policy and practice from kindergarten through graduate school. As we have noted, despite the policy setbacks against racially diverse public schools, leaders, parents, and advocates at the local level have fought back in support of racial and ethnic diversity in public education. There are still school districts that continue to pursue racial integration in schools and exemplify the benefits integration has for all students regardless of the limits that federal courts have placed on such local decision making.

This led to a concerted effort to reduce racial segregation in and around the Hartford area. The result was a lottery-based magnet school system designed with the goal of achieving racial, ethnic, and economic integration. By the —14 school year, there were over forty interdistrict magnet schools with different curricular themes and teaching methods in the greater Hartford area serving over sixteen thousand students from multiple suburban communities in and around Hartford. For these schools to maintain their magnet status, they must meet integration standards, which dictate that 25 percent of students must be white and half of the students must be from the suburbs.

However, it is important to note that no student is admitted on the basis of their race or ethnicity to meet these requirements. Instead, the schools market to a wide variety of families to enter the lottery. Over the years, the demand among both suburban and urban parents has grown so much that the schools no longer have enough seats for all the families who want to enroll their children. Additionally, there are no admissions requirements like standardized test scores or interviews, so students enter the schools with a wide variety of academic abilities.

The lack of admissions requirements is particularly important when the academic achievement of students outlined in previous sections is reviewed. Over the past several years, students in the interdistrict magnet schools have consistently outperformed their peers in both nonmagnet urban schools and nonmagnet suburban schools. A study compared academic results between students who had applied to interdistrict magnets in the state and were not selected through the blind lottery and students who were selected for and attended a magnet school. The magnet school students who lived in urban areas, who were mostly black and Latino, made greater gains and did significantly better in math and reading in high school and on reading tests in middle school than students who were not selected.

Similarly, the suburban students who attended magnets also outperformed their peers at traditional suburban schools, which were generally more affluent and had a larger percentage of white students. Also, students of color in magnet schools were significantly more likely to say they felt close to white students and had white friends than did students of color who did not attend magnets. Mirroring these results, white students in magnets were significantly more likely than students in nonmagnet schools to say they were close to students of color and had students of color as friends.

This suggests that the interdistrict magnet schools in the Hartford region are designed to promote the educational benefits of diversity. Results like these from Hartford, coupled with other similar efforts in metro areas and small towns across the country, despite support from federal or many state leaders, suggest that where there is a will, there is a way to achieve the educational benefits of diverse schools and classrooms in a manner that will benefit all students. We are at a critical crossroads in American history—a breaking point at which efforts to ignore racial and ethnic inequality will clash with the cultural complexity of our day-to-day lives. This support, however, must go beyond creating schools with diverse enrollments to curricular and accountability approaches that allow educators to tap into the multiple educational benefits of diversity.

Such diverse learning environments better prepare students for a global society by reducing racial stereotypes and fostering cross-racial understanding. These rulings were predicated in part on a growing body of research across several fields, including mathematics and science, that show people working in racially and ethnically diverse groups come up with better solutions to problems. Furthermore, we lack the leadership in public education to make studying, documenting, and promoting those educational practices a priority. Supreme Court do not provide policy makers with enough incentive to promote racial and ethnic diversity in our K—12 educational system, then changing racial attitudes should.

Opinion polls and interviews show that a growing number of white Americans, especially young adults, harbor less racial prejudice than whites of a prior generation. And again, the percentage of Americans who support students of different racial and ethnic backgrounds attending the same schools has increased dramatically—at least in terms of what people say since the s. Young adults, who are more likely to have attended diverse schools and have children in public schools today, express the most support for racially integrated schools and classrooms. The current heavy emphasis on standardized tests is detrimental to good teaching that engages students in creative ways.

For students who live and will work in a racially diverse and culturally complex society, this strong emphasis on discrete bits of standardized knowledge and information is even more problematic. The current policy focus on standardized testing as the almost exclusive measure of high-achieving students and good schools and teachers does an educational disservice to students of all racial and ethnic backgrounds. Such understandings work against racially diverse schools in ways that are unfair and erroneous and often lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy via a downward spiral of diverse schools as students with more resources and higher test scores leave.

Nearly twenty years ago, scholars predicted this downward spiral of more diverse schools measured by narrow, non-diverse measures. Historical case studies of these schools, however, have also shown that school reputations are incredibly fragile and need to be bolstered—and not undercut—by federal and state policies intended to hold schools accountable.

Given everything that racially diverse schools have working against them in a racially segregated and unequal society, such policies should support these schools and not contribute to their demise. Ironically, yearbooks of these high schools circa late s present smiling, hopeful photos of a mix of students that resembles what we see on many college campuses today. Who and what are preparing our adolescents for the racially, ethnically, and culturally diverse colleges and workplaces they will soon enter? How might educational researchers—those who study higher education and those who study K—12—help provide a good answer to that question; how might their voices be heard?

If reams of social science evidence is correct in arguing that diversity makes us smarter, and if higher education researchers are correct about their findings related to college students, our elementary and secondary education students have much to learn and gain from public schools that are diverse and in which professional educators know how to build on that diversity to help all students learn deeper, better, and more creatively about themselves and others. In sync with this research, this report argues that the twenty-first century increasingly vocal majority of parents, higher education officials, and employers are right about the educational benefits of diversity, and it is time for our federal and state policy makers to listen. She is also co-director of the Public Good, a nonprofit public school support organization for racially and ethnically diverse schools.

She has previously worked as a consultant to the Department of Justice and the Ford Foundation. Her research focuses on school choice, racial attitudes, and school desegregation. Knopf, Inc. Wells, D. Ready, A. Fox, M. Warner, A. Roda, T. Spence, E. How many references needed for a word essay, essay on meri yatra in hindi research Google docs outline paper. Research paper in marketing topics. Reference page for essay template.

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Lemonhead Asians Skin color. The association with the city and asian people in general has stuck. Refers mainly to Japanese. Meat Pie Asians "Yellow on the outside, black on the inside. Ng is a very common Asian surname that is considered goofy and is used derogatorily. Nikon Asians Popular brand of camera. Asian tourists are known to take a lot of photographs. Nine Iron Asians Golf club with a dramatic degree of loft, ostensibly resembling stereotypical Asian 'slanted' eyes.

As slanted as Ornamental Asians From Oriental. P-1 Asians P-1 is a commonly used abbreviation for traffic collision reports for Party 1, Party 1 is normally the person at fault for a collision. Pancake Asians Facial characteristics. Panhead Asians Facial characteristics. Pineapple Lump Asians Reference to asian vehicles? Ping-pang Asians Mimics the way their language sounds to non-Asians. Pizdaglaz Asians Combination of Russian words "pizda" "cunt" and "glaz a " "eyes" Pronounced "peezdah-glahz. Plate Tossers Asians They name their kids by throwing plates down the stairs and seeing what sound it makes. Post It Asians Yellow and disposable.

Potato Queen Asians Asian women who only date white men. Overweight white business men, on the typical. Powerpoint Asians Used mainly by Australians. Australian electricity outlets are commonly called power points, they are said to look like a stick figure drawing of an Asian face. Protractor Asians Eyes, In the shape of a protractor, degrees at bottom, straight line Pumpkinhead Asians Asians have relatively large and round heads, which resemble Halloween pumkins. Random Asians The facial characteristics of an Asian face are said to be very similar. For that reason all the new Asians who are around you in e. Meaning they all look the same and are another random face. No gain in performance is achieved. Rice-Eater Asians Popular food among Asians.

Rice-Picker Asians Because they pick rice. Probably the Asian version of 'Cotton Picker. Slantey-eye'd Asians Facial description -- referring to the eyes. Sleepwalker Asians Small eyes appear to be closed, even during the day Slit Asians Another eye reference. Slope Asians Facial description, Self-explanatory. Also: Slopehead Slope Head Asians Their faces are rather slopped Smack Asians They look like they've been smacked in the forehead, giving a slope and a squint to their eye. Socket Face Asians Thier eyes are slitted, like the electrical sockets on a wall.

Self explanatory Table Face Asians They tend to have flat faces. Tai-chink Asians Martial arts. Tape Head Asians Facial characteristics--slanted eyes as if someone pulled back their eyes using Scotch tape around the back of their head. Taxi Asians Taxis are yellow Test-Taker Asians Asians are always taking standardized tests to further their education. Tinty Asians Their eyes are tinted, and can not be seen into, only out of. Also pertaining to Asian woman who sleep with numerous men in one night. Twinkie Asians An Asian-American who has lost their heritage. Uzbek Asians Armenian word for people with slanted eyes.

Often used now to group all Asians as the enemy or as untrustworthy. Wang Chung Asians Represents a typical Asian name. Widescreen Asians They see only widscreen vision because their eyes are typically wider than taller. Yao Asians Tall asians. Reference to Yao Ming, a professional basketball player of Chinese origin. Yellow Asians Skin color as compared to Caucasians. Yelvis Asians Yellow Elvis. Asians with pompadours. Plural: Yelvi. Yigger Asians Yellow nigger. Yolk Asians Egg yolks are yellow. Zip Asians When they smile, their teeth look like a zipper. Also used in the film Full Metal Jacket. MULTIPLE reasons have been submitted: 1 If Asians were shot in the head with high-powered weapons, their heads would split as if you unzipped them 2 Vietnam War slang for "Zero Intelligence Potential" IE: just kill them, no reason to interrorgate them 3 Many times the Asians would be run over by military Jeeps, which left tire tracks on them that resembled zippers.

Stems from the epicanthic fold in Mongoloid peoples, which Westerners interpret as squinting. Sometimes shortened too boon. It is the sterotype that all the Mediterraneans and Aborigianals of Australia are bludgers. Bump Australian Aboriginals Many vehicles in Australia have 'roo bars mounted on the front to protect the vehicle from collisions with kangaroos. Chromer Australian Aboriginals Majority of Aboriginals Abos sniff paint from a Coca-cola bottle commonly known as chroming Cuz Australian Aboriginals Form of "cousin", all Aboriginals consider themselves to be from the same family, hence they refer to each other as "cuz" Eucalyptus Nigger Australian Aboriginals The eucalyptus is a native plant of Australia.

Gin Australian Aboriginals Represents Aboriginal female - they take offense Goggles Australian Aboriginals Aboriginals have very large nostrils which resemble a pair of goggles Goon Ninja Australian Aboriginals A stealthy abo who goes around stealing goon. Jafa Australian Aboriginals Derives from the joke that all Aboriginals steal red cars. Koona Australian Aboriginals Koona nurks tara. Aborigonal meaning "you bloody cunt" i. Menstrual blood is used in Abo medicine. Koorie Australian Aboriginals Aboriginal tribe name. Nunga Australian Aboriginals Originally an Aboriginal name for themselves as a people; used by others, however, it is considered derogatory.

Queue Warmer Australian Aboriginals Many Aboriginals are on welfare and spend much time waiting in a dole queue. Rock Ape Australian Aboriginals The rugged aussie outback is full of rocks, the gins look like apes, hence the connection. Clothing with beer logos is an acceptable alternative to above - Waikato is favourite. Black oil stains on skin optional. A curious feature is the haircut, which although short ish at the front and sides is long and straggly at the back. The cover thus provided enables one to distinguish the bogan from the redndeck.

Habitat : The beach in summer, but only those with free road access. Mt Maunganui provides a typical bogan haunt. Science has yet to explain why they refuse to shed their protective coating of black fabric. Bogans may be found at all times on back roads, at rugby matches, and in public bars. If you can't see a bogan straight away, they may be shy - try watching the older Holden Kingswoods for activity. Feeding : Copious quantities of beer provide all the nourishment a Bogan requires. Reproduction : Bogans appear to be exclusively male. Females are actively repelled by cries of "getchagearsoff" or "showusyagrowler" if they dare venture too close. Like geeks, rugbyheads and best friends of popular girls, the Bogan is the non-viable offspring of apparently fertile humans.

Seldom seen in numbers fewer than three. Source: NZ. A reference to the amount of canned beer they consume, or 2. A reference to rural Australians who hail from the area where sugar cane is grown. Convict Australians Implies that all Australians are descended from the penal colonies early in Australia's western colonisation. Gubba Australians Used by Aboriginal people of white Australians. Two theories: some like to think it's a corruption of "governor". Others say it's short for "garbage". Hoon Australians Australian origin representing an irresponsible person.

Larrikin Australians Not so much an insult; Comical, roguish individual, prone to rowdy and unruly behaviour, drunkenness. Coined from an Irish policeman in a Melbourne court, claiming the prisoner was "larkin about". Stereotypical Aussie behaviour. Oz Australians Shortened form of Aussie Roo Australians Commonly used due to their extensive supply of the specific animal "kangaroo", used as an offensive term to describe them and the way they walk. Often bouncing around and moving, like kangaroos. Roofucker Australians Kangaroo-fucker. Australian version of Sheepfucker.

Shackle Dragger Australians Deported british convicts. Skip Australians White Australians specifically. From "Skippy the Bush Kangaroo. Schluchtenscheisser Austrians Used by Germans for their beloved Austrian neighbours, stands for someone taking his dumps in canyons since Austria is very mountainous Tupperware Head Austrians Related to slur "Boxhead" for Germans.. Waffle Belgians Belgian waffles. This slur is used commonly by Pakistanis. Meaning ancestors of slaves or "cotton picker". Could also refer to double-A batteries, which you use for a while then throw away. Angus Blacks Angus are a black breed of beef cattle. Antique Farm Equipment Blacks Slaves being used for labor. Ape Blacks Self Explanatory. Apple Blacks Has to do with "hanging from a tree".

Arf Blacks African Rock Fish. Ashy Blacks When their skin gets dry it can tend to look ashy. Baboomba Blacks From the "booming" of their car stereos. Baluga Blacks Filipino equiv. Rarely used today. Arrogant female blacks who flaunt their money around and demand the finest things in life. Spelled with a K, as in the Korn song of the same title. A white prisoner calls a black prisoner a Big Dummy Nigger. Beggar Blacks Black people often want "something for nothing. Stands for Black Family Inside. Bix Nood Blacks From a racist cartoon spread on the internet where a black man is breaking into a house saying "mup da doo ditta po mo BIX NOOD" Black Barbie Blacks Refers to a black woman when she wears her hair and makeup to try and look like a white woman.

Black Magic Blacks "It has always fascinated researchers how the black folk manage to get there hands on grog money daily. This can be stretched to include inviting a black or minority friend over for dinner. Blood Blacks LA-based gang. Can be used offensively towards non-gang members. Blow Blacks Originated from blacks originally living in Africa and using blow guns. High where the black guy wore a shirt with the phrase "BLT," his initials. Blue Gums Blacks Old myth that if one were bitten by a nigger with blue gums, they would die. Also: "Black Man, Working.

That such a code term was coined shows that a "BMW" must be something of a rarity. Bo-Bo Blacks Sounds like a monkeys name or implies stupidty. Bobblehead Blacks Black women have a tendency to violently shake their heads in heated conversations. Same as nigger in the United States. Bomb Blacks Bombs in cartoons are typically black Bonky Blacks Name for blacks who act or talk white Boogat Blacks Comes from the similar idea of calling a black person a "Spook. Could come from W. Turned around and used against Blacks by Whites. Bootlip Blacks During the Industrial boom of the auto industry and OSHA'a requirement of safety precautions, workers were required to wear steel-toed boots.

Common steel-toed boots are black in color and have large, bulky toes - referencing the size of black's lips. Bounty Bar Blacks The Bounty Bar is a coconut filled chocolate bar, so it's brown on the outside but white on the inside. An insult to for example black police officers in England. Bourbon Blacks Bourbon are brown coloured brown cream filled biscuits. Possibly a variant of eggplant. Bourbon is also a dark alchoholic drink Boy Blacks Originated during slavery. Used to belittle blacks. Bozak Blacks Pronounced bow-zack southern term for a big black man. Bro Blacks Contraction of brother, see: Brother. Brother Blacks Used by blacks in an effort to help unify their race. Also used by non-black races to poke fun at or try to identify with the black race.

Brownie Blacks Skin color, like the favorite treat. Bubb Rubb Blacks Wooooo Wooooo. Bubba Blacks When referring to prison, the big guy who takes advantage of all the new prisoners is derogatorily called Bubba. The Indians thought they looked like buffalo. Bumper Lips Blacks Self-explanatory. Bun Blacks Big Ugly Nigger. Buppie Blacks A young black upwardly professional person. Like yuppie, but refers to blacks. Burnt Match Blacks Self-explanatory. Burnt Toast Blacks Skin color can resemble that of a burnt piece of bread. Burr Head Blacks Hair Texture.

Bush-Boogie Blacks Derived from their jungle origins. Butter Blacks Alternative to Nigger. Caffre Blacks Derogatory term used by South African whites during the apartheid era, now considered an offense and beeped out from the media like an ordinary curse in USA Calpurnia Blacks Black women that are nannies. Cargo Blacks Slave ship reference. Carl Winslow Blacks Obese black males. Reference to character from "Family Matters" TV show. Carlton Banks Blacks Black males who behave like whites or talk very proper. Casabooboo Blacks From s African leader Casavubu. Chalky Blacks Heard throughout Ireland, extremely derogatory word for blacks, who have an increasing number in the Irish population.

Chango Blacks Used by Hispanics. Spanish word meaning monkey. Chernozhopyi Blacks Russian term literally translating as 'Black-Assed'. The only way you see them in the dark is if they open their eyes and smile. Chiquita Blacks The chiquita bananas have the black woman on the sticker Choco Blacks Short for chocolate, in reference to skin color. Chocolate Drop Blacks Chocolate is brown. Chocolate-Covered Marshmallow Blacks A black guy who acts white. Chombo Blacks Panamanian derogatory jargon. Clyde Blacks Perhaps comes from the name of the monkey in the Clint Eastwood films Coal-Miner Blacks A Russian term for blacks, which originated because of their dark skin which looks like it is covered in coal dust.

Pronounced "shahktor" in Russian. Cocoa Blacks From southwestern area of the US, called blacks "cocoa" for very much disrespect. See Cocoa Puff. Mainly used to describe dark-skinned people who are perceived as trying to be "white" Blacks are thought to love Kentucky Fried Chicken. Colored Blacks Skin color. Conky Blacks Derived from "conk", a lye-straightened hairdo popularized in the s by Cab Calloway.

Conquistador Blacks Refers to the Spanish conquerors who took over areas against the will of the current inhabitants. Convict Blacks Two-thirds of American inmates are Black. Cookie Blacks One of the few jobs blacks were allowed to do after enlisting in the U. Navy was food preparation. Referenced in "Men of Honor. Could also have meaning as a shortening of "raccoon", as raccoons have a tendency to steal. Possibly from Dr. Carleton Coon, who, in the mid's, theorized that blacks were less evolved than whites. Cornbread Blacks It was in the movie "Shaft. Cosby Blacks Sitcom named the Cosby's. A family of all blacks. Refers to the slaves who picked cotton all day at the plantations. Crayola Blacks Black people are colored, as in crayons.

Cricket Blacks Color of skin vs. Pure blooded Blacks having "large fish eyes, dark brown skin, and long legs like a cricket. Crime Blacks The high crime rate among Blacks. Crimestopper Blacks Refers to an African American woman who has an abortion Criminal Factory Blacks Refers to pregnant black women, thought to be breeding future criminals. Could also be a reference to "Jim Crow", a popular 19th-century minstrel song that stereotyped African Americans, which later was used as the name of the Jim Crow laws , which enforced racial segregation in the South.

Cubs Blacks Look like cartoon bear cubs. Cuff Blacks Heard used by white southern Georgia farmers to describe blacks. The origin is that blacks are always being arrested and being hand"cuffed" by the police. Curb-Biter Blacks Having someone bite the curb and kicking him in the back of the head is a painful way to kill someone. Often, as in the movie American History X, it is used as punishment for insubordinate blacks.

Czarnuch Blacks In Polish 'black' as a color is 'czarny'. Strongly derogatory. Used to conceil racially discrimative remarks towards blacks when present. Darkie Blacks Skin color. Darkness Blacks Self Explanatory. Often used to describe a crowd of African Americans. Dawg Blacks Some blacks call other "Dawgs". Also in reference to always wanting stuff for free. Destro Blacks Destro is the evil Cobra character from G. Do-Da Blacks Black people stand by the mail box and ask the mailman, "Do 'da, do 'da welfare check come today? Dootie Blacks Refers to their dootie-brown skin. Dorito Blacks Blacks have a fondness for Doritos. Doujin Blacks Japanese slur for blacks. Dou means dirt, jin means person.

Police-type term referring to blacks driving through white neighborhoods. Egglet Blacks Black Children -- "little eggplant. See: Moolie. Egot Blacks A derogatory term used by Filipinos meaning "nigger". Eraser Head Blacks During the late 80's and early 90's it was popular for blacks to cut their hair at an angle, forming a bevel that look similar to those pink erasers that you used in grade school. Es-obe Blacks Meaning "Apes Obey! The early colonized Africans, not knowing the meaning of the command also cultivated it into their language- using it among themselves to gather themselves to work efficiently. Extra Crispy Blacks A southern exspression that represents their burnt appearence, as well as their stereotypical love of fried chicken.

Fahim Blacks Arabs use this word meaning charcoal to describe blacks and very dark arabs Fakey Jamaikey Blacks Blacks who try to act Jamaican, but actually aren't. Mostly used on TV or for musical purposes. For example, Miss Cleo: psychic advisor and tarot card reader. Fat Albert Blacks Used against overweight African American males in reference to a popular 's cartoon created by Bill Cosby for example, saying "hey hey hey" around a fat black man could be considered offensive by some Feargal Blacks Short for Feargal Sharkey a UK Pop singer from late 70's and 80's which rhymes with Darkie.

Feb Blacks February is Black history month. Field Nigger Blacks Field nigger is the term used to label blacks who choose not to identify with popular white society and culture, as opposed to house niggers--blacks who bend over backwards to win or maintain favor with whites while relishing in the fact that they at least reside in the house with the master rather then outside with the majority of blacks.

Frasier Blacks Term that represents people with big "packages. Used as a greeting between gang members "Yo, G, what up? Used in a derogatory fashion by members of other races or non-gang members. Gar Blacks Redneck term. Short for nig-GAR. Could also refer to the Gar, a fish similar to the piranha, found in streams in the Southern US and eating by many Southern Blacks. Gatorbait Blacks Dark meat of the chicken that was fed to alligators. Ghetto Blacks Many Black people are forced into poor, crowded neighborhoods, like Jews were during the Holocaust.

The crowded, poor Jewish neighborhoods were called "Ghettoes. Ghetto Hamster Blacks Black Children. A disposable pet. Ghetto Monkey Blacks Blacks tend to live in ghettos. Ghost Rider Blacks Blacks who have sex with whites. Gimpy Blacks It is an often stereotype that most people who collect unemployment are black. And blacks pretend they are injured so they can collect. Grapico Blacks It is said that blacks have an affinity for grape soda. Grapico is a popular brand in the South. Greaser Blacks Refers to the oily nature of a black person's hair. Groid Blacks Short for Negroid. Gronesha Blacks Black Women. Used at the Battle of Valley Forge to describe the Black women who prepared the cannons.

Guttermonkey Blacks Monkeys that live in the gutter. Hambone Blacks Refers to overweight black men. Found offensive among certain groups. High Yellow Blacks Light-skinned black person. Hoopty Blacks Black people in the United States and Canada use this term to refer to an older, beaten up, junky car. Hootie Blacks From the pop band of the 's Hootie and the Blowfish. The lead singer was black obviously Hootie. The other members of the band were white Blowfish. Horse-Gums Blacks Self-explanatory. Hotel Blacks Ebonics: "I gave the bitch crabs and the hotel everybody. Newton Hutch Blacks Used by some southern people to refer to black people. May reference the type of cage used to keep small animals.

Huxtable Blacks Taken from the Cosby show. A commentary on rich black people living like whites. Used mainly by darker-skinned Blacks to lighter-skinned Blacks. Also Ink Baby or Inkspot. Blacks A goofy black guy, like the guy from Good Times. Jackamammy Blacks Combination of 'jack rabbit' and 'Aunt Jemima. Jackpot Blacks Cause they always want to hit the jackpot Jambo Blacks Refers to Blacks from Africa who are considered by other Blacks as unsophisticated. The actor who did the voice was also Black. Jellybean Blacks "Everyone hates the black ones. However, in any city in America, African Americans can be found in the worst parts or arm pits of that city. Therefore making them Jersey-dwellers.

Jet Blacks For their "jet black" skin. Also for the black-orienied weekly magazine JET. Jiffy Pop Blacks Specifically Rastifarians. Usually used among lighter-skinned African-Americans to refer to ones of very dark complexion. Made popular in the movie "Cooley High. He called an older black man "Jim" and the guy flipped out and roared, "Who are you callin' Jim? He was a stereotypical minstrel show character, history described here. Also used to describe segregationist laws in the south, but I recently read about a bus driver who was fired for using the term to describe a black person. Mint Blacks White on inside, black on outside. Juba Blacks The black slave from the movie "Gladiator. Jungle Bunny Blacks Jungle is referred to their jungle origins and bunny is referred to some people saying that jack rabbits looked like 'lynched' black people.

Justin Igger Blacks Ie. Made popular by Lethal Weapon 2. Kala Blacks Indian word for the color black. Used by Indians as a slur for black people. KFC Blacks Black people like fried chicken. Usually in reference to a poor, older black man. Kirby Blacks Cuban slur for blacks. Kirby is a popular black bean manufacturer amongst cubans. Kizzy Blacks Kunta Kinte's daughter from the movie Roots. Knees Grow Blacks Comes from Negro. Knuckle-Dragger Blacks Often believed that black people have longer arms than other races and therefore their knuckles would drag.

Kobe Blacks The popular black basketball player recently embroiled in a rape trial. Koku-jin Blacks Japanese term for Blacks or anyone of African descent. Koolaid Blacks Black people are stereotypically partial to the red Koolaid. Kushi Blacks Israelis call black ethiopians kushi and blacks period. Means nigger. Originated from Cush. Leroy Blacks A stereotypically black name. Typically used as the name of a character is a racial joke, e. LeRoy Rogers Blacks Black cowboys. Levar Blacks Educated blacks. Little Black Sambo Blacks As with the Golliwog, originated as a relatively benign though mildly offensive characterization and was adapted by other writers to embody many black stereotypes of the time.

Currently embodies stereotypes of docility, laziness, stupidity, and disloyalty. During the period prior to the Civil War, many blacks were named after famous Romans e. Lucius, Marcus, Scipio, etc. Lugz Blacks Named after the brand of footwear who's ad campaign is targeted towards blacks. Mammy Blacks Similar to Aunt Jemima. Stereotype of black women as nannies to white children, especially overweight black women - see "Gone With The Wind". Mandingo Blacks In reference to the blacksploitation movie with the same name. Mangro-Monkey Blacks Monkeys live in mangroves. Maroon Blacks When the slave ships had a troublemaking slave-to-be they would drop him off on a small island or rock in the middle of the ocean thus 'marooning' him.

Mellanoid Blacks Dictionary: one having dark pigmentation. Melon Johnny Blacks Italian slang for Blacks. Meshky Blacks Translated into Farsi Persian language means "black". Midnight Blacks Self-explanatory. Milk Dud Blacks A black person with a shaved head. Milkman Blacks Black men who prefer white women. Used by blacks. Mishwa Blacks Means "barbequed" or "grilled" in Arabic, blacks for their dark skin. Mishweya for females.

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